{"id":199255,"date":"1987-06-12T00:00:00","date_gmt":"2019-03-12T17:45:10","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.un.org\/unispal\/?p=199255"},"modified":"2019-03-12T17:45:10","modified_gmt":"2019-03-12T17:45:10","slug":"auto-insert-199255","status":"publish","type":"document","link":"https:\/\/www.un.org\/unispal\/document\/auto-insert-199255\/","title":{"rendered":"Sixteenth United Nations Seminar on the Question of Palestine (New Delhi, 8-12 June 1987) – Report – DPR publication"},"content":{"rendered":"
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SIXTEENTH UNITED NATIONS SEMINAR ON THE QUESTION OF PALESTINE<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Theme: "The inalienable rights of the Palestinian people"<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Vigyan Bhawan Conference Centre<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n New Delhi, India<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n 8-12 June 1987<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n CONTENTS<\/strong><\/p><\/div>\n \n Paragraphs<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/td>\n Page<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n INTRODUCTION<\/p>\n <\/td>\n 1 – 2<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 2<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n I.<\/p>\n II.<\/p>\n III.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n OPENING STATEMENTS<\/p>\n PANEL DISCUSSION<\/p>\n CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 3 – 34<\/p>\n 35 – 93<\/p>\n 94 – 108<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 2<\/p>\n 7<\/p>\n 19<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n Annexes<\/u><\/strong><\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n I.<\/p>\n <\/td>\n Message from the participants in the Seminar to the Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Liberation Organization<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 23<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n II.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n Message from the participants in the Seminar to Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, Secretary-General of the United Nations<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 24<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n III.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n Message from the participants in the Seminar to the Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, H. E. Mr. Robert Mugabe <\/p>\n<\/td>\n 25<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n IV.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n Motion of thanks<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 26<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n V.<\/p>\n<\/td>\n List of participants and observers<\/p>\n<\/td>\n 27<\/p>\n<\/td>\n<\/tr>\n<\/table>\n <\/p>\n \n <\/p>\n INTRODUCTION<\/p><\/div>\n .\t<\/span> <\/p><\/div>\n 1.\t<\/span>The Sixteenth United Nations Seminar on the Question of Palestine entitled "The inalienable rights of the Palestinian People" was held at the Vigyan Bhawan Conference Centre, New Delhi, India, from 8 to 12 June 1987 in accordance with General Assembly resolution 40\/96 B. The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People had decided, on an experimental basis and in the interest of economy, to integrate the Seminar with the Asian Regional NGO Symposium on the Question of Palestine which was held from Monday, 8 June to Wednesday, 10 June 1987. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 2.\t<\/span> <\/span> <\/span>The Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People was represented by a delegation consisting of Mr. Oscar Oramas-Oliva (Cuba), Vice-Chairman of the Committee, head of the delegation; Mr. Guennadi I. Oudovenko (Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic); Mr. David D. Karran (Guyana); Mr. Saviour F. Borg (Malta); Mr. Pramathesh Rath (India); and Mr. Zehdi L. Terzi (Palestine Liberation Organization). Mr. Oramas-Oliva was Chairman and Mr. Rath Rapporteur of the Seminar.<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 3.\t<\/span> Seven meetings were held and 14 panelists presented papers on selected aspects of the question of Palestine. In addition, representatives of 40 Governments, the PLO, three United Nations organs, two United Nations programmes and specialized agencies, one intergovernmental organization and observers of 30 non-governmental organizations attended the Seminar. <\/p><\/div>\n I. OPENING STATEMENTS<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 4.\t<\/span> <\/span> <\/span>The opening session of the Seminar was addressed by Mr. K. Natwar Singh, Minister of State for External Affairs of India. In his statement he emphasized that, at <\/span>a <\/strong><\/span>time when all but a few nations had broken the shackles of colonialism and had become free, the Palestinian people continued to suffer. Yet they continued to make sacrifices and to fight for the most fundamental of human rights – the right to self-determination and the right to <\/span>live in <\/span>freedom and with dignity.<\/span> <\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 5.\t<\/span> <\/span> <\/span>The Israeli Government had sought, through various means, to consolidate its position in the occupied territories and had attempted to make the annexation' of territory irreversible. Israel had also tried completely to destroy and decimate the movement for national liberation of the Palestinian people and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). That policy was, however, self-defeating. There could be no security for the States of the region unless a comprehensive settlement of the Palestinian problem was secured. <\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 6.\t<\/span> <\/span> <\/span>India had, even during the days before independence, recognized the historical, cultural and national identity of the Palestinian people and had supported the aspirations of the Palestinian people for freedom and for their own national homeland. That support had continued after India's independence. In 1980, India had accorded full diplomatic recognition to the PLO as the sole and authentic representative of the Palestinian people. <\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 7.\t<\/span> <\/span> <\/span>India did not believe that partial or piecemeal solutions would bring about lasting peace. The settlement had to be premised upon certain fundamental principles – the right of the Palestinian people to self-determination and the right to return to their homeland. It was in that context that the call by the United Nations to convene an International Peace Conference on the Middle East assumed paramount importance. The efforts of the international community in recent months had focused on ways and means to convene such a Conference. Those who had been disinclined to accept the Conference now recognized that it was the only way left for achieving peace. The recently released report of the Secretary-General (A\/42\/277-S\/18849 of 7 May 1987) gave ground for cautious optimism.<\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 8.\t<\/span>Through all its years of travail Palestinian nationalism had emerged stronger and deeper. The last session of the Palestine National Council in Algiers had shown that the Palestinians were even more united and determined to continue that struggle. It was India's duty to provide all assistance to them.<\/span> <\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 9.\t<\/span>Mr. N. G. Rathore, representative of the Secretary-General of the United Nations, stressed that the fate of Palestine had engaged the attention of the United Nations almost since its inception. While a solution to the question had eluded the organization for 40 years, the continuing intensification of tension and violence in the area made it imperative that collective efforts be resumed to achieve a just comprehensive and lasting settlement. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 10.\t<\/span>The United Nations had a crucial role to play in that endeavour. Its machinery, suitably adapted, could provide a useful framework for that purpose. The idea of an International Peace Conference appeared to be gaining wider support and a number of procedural proposals had been made in that respect. It was encouraging that those proposals envisaged a central role for the Security Council, especially since the Council had a universally recognized responsibility for that important problem. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 11.\t<\/span>The report submitted on 7 May 1987 by the Secretary-General reviewed his efforts towards the convening of an International Peace Conference on the Middle East. Those efforts included consultations with members of the Security Council, the representatives of the parties directly concerned and the PLO. The Secretary-General had stated that, in contrast with the experience of recent years, none of the members of the Security Council opposed in principle the idea of an International Peace Conference under the auspices of the United Nations, but there were still wide differences on the form it should take. The position of the parties directly concerned had remained far apart on a number of issues of procedure and substance, but in recent months there had been indications of greater flexibility in attitudes towards the negotiating process, and that had to be encouraged. The Secretary-General intended to intensify his contacts with the parties in the months to come, in order to try to find ways of bridging the gaps between them. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 12.\t<\/span>The repeated requests for continued efforts for the convening of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East could not but be viewed as recognition of the fact that a comprehensive settlement had to be reached through a process of negotiations with the participation of all parties concerned under the auspices of the United Nations. Any solution had to take into consideration the interests and concerns of all States and peoples in the region, including those of the Palestinian people. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 13.\t<\/span>The programme of the Committee On the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People on seminars and NGO symposia had effectively helped to focus international attention on the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people and had contributed to a greater understanding of the issue, as well as to mobilizing international public opinion in support of a just and peaceful solution. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 14.\t<\/span>Mr. Oscar Oramas-Oliva, Chairman of the Seminar, gave a brief account of the work of the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People. He stressed the particular importance that the Committee attached to the organization of seminars and symposia and meetings for non-governmental organizations in various regions. He emphasized the Committee's conviction that objective information on the question of Palestine would help to ensure more comprehensive coverage of developments in the region and promote public support in favour of an equitable and peaceful solution. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 15.\t<\/span>The General Assembly had, since its thirty-eighth session, endorsed the holding of the International Peace Conference on the Middle East as called for by the International Conference on the Question of Palestine held at Geneva in 1983. It had gone further and invited the Security Council and the Secretary-General to undertake all preparatory measures to convene the Conference. In its resolution 41\/43 D adopted at the forty-first session the Assembly had also endorsed the call for setting up a preparatory committee within the framework of the Security Council, with the participation of its permanent members, to take the necessary action to convene the Conference. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 16.\t<\/span>In accordance with the request contained in resolution 41\/43 D, the Secretary-General had presented his report on the question of convening an International Peace Conference on the Middle East on 7 May 1987. In that regard, the Committee was determined to pursue its efforts to ensure that the Conference was convened, for it was convinced that the holding of the Conference would be an important step towards the settlement of the question of Palestine. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 17.\t<\/span>Accordingly, the Committee, as a matter of priority continued to exert all efforts to promote the early convening of the Conference and welcomed the recent momentum in favour of its convening. That momentum had been reflected in the Declaration adopted by the Eighth Summit Conference of the Non-Aligned Countries, the Declaration adopted by the Foreign Ministers of the Twelve States Members of the European Community on the Middle East and the Harare Declaration of the Committee of Nine Non-Aligned Countries on Palestine. The Palestine National Council at its eighteenth session had also supported the convening of the Conference. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 18.\t<\/span>The 1983 International Conference on the Question of Palestine had demonstrated the importance of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in the search for a solution to the question of Palestine. Their active participation in the Conference led the Committee to make every effort to get NGOs interested in the question of Palestine from every region of the world to work together and to harness their potential in influencing public opinion and, consequently, government positions. With that in mind the Committee had, over the past few years, adopted a programme of work in which NGOs had a significant role to play. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 19.\t<\/span>Mr. N. G. G. Makura, High Commissioner of Zimbabwe to India conveyed a message from Mr. Robert Mugabe, Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries. The message stressed that all the problems of violence, insecurity and instability in the Middle East emanated from Israel's occupation of Palestinian and other Arab territories, including the Holy City of Jerusalem. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 20.\t<\/span>Peace and stability which had eluded the Middle East for almost four decades could be achieved only by putting an end to those injustices through the attainment and exercise of the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people, particularly the right to self-determination and to the establishment of their own State, and by Israel's total, immediate and unconditional withdrawal from all the Palestinian and other Arab territories which it had occupied since 1976, including Jerusalem. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 21.\t<\/span>The Middle East was but one region which had remained a zone of tension for such a long time. As in the case of Israel in the Middle East, the apartheid<\/u> régime in South Africa had contemptuously continued to defy all efforts by the international community to bring about a peaceful end to apartheid<\/u> in South Africa itself and to end its illegal occupation of Namibia. The very same Western countries that had been supporting Israel in its repression of the Palestinian people also tacitly propped up the racist régime in Pretoria. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 22.\t<\/span>The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries at its Eighth Summit at Harare had expressed its support for the call by the United Nations to intensify its efforts in the search for a negotiated settlement to the question of Palestine. It strongly supported the United Nations resolution calling for an International Peace Conference on the Middle East. The Foreign Ministers of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries' Committee on Palestine had called on all States, international organizations and the international community at large to do all in their power to promote and support efforts for the convening of such a Conference. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 23.\t<\/span>For that Conference to succeed, it was imperative that the Palestinian people, as represented by the PLO, was included as a fully recognized and equal party in the deliberations. The Conference had also to find a comprehensive solution which could take into account all aspects of the problem. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 24.\t<\/span>The Movement of Non-Aligned Countries appealed to the international community, particularly to those Powers that had it within their means, to exercise their influence on Israel and to persuade it to accept the holding of an International Peace Conference on the Middle East. In that regard, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries fully supported the United Nations efforts to find means of initiating the process that could lead to a peaceful settlement of the Middle East problem. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 25.\t<\/span>Mr. Khalid El-Sheikh, Ambassador of the PLO to India, read out a message from Mr. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO. In the message it was noted that the Palestinian people – both those living in the occupied territories and those in exile – were facing greater hardships owing to the concerted plan of the United States of America and Israel to bring the Palestinian people to its knees, to undermine the PLO and to deprive it of its inalienable national rights. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 26.\t<\/span>The people living today in occupied Palestine were facing the Israeli Government's iron-fist policy, which was reflected in the escalation of the campaigns of repression, persecution and State terrorism. It had been met by the Palestinian people firmly and resolutely with a series of courageous popular uprisings, despite the fact that the Israeli Government itself sponsored those acts by financing, arming and protecting the gangs of terrorist settlers in the pursuit of its avowed policy of annexing the Palestinian territories which it had occupied since 1967. Thus the Israeli Government was seeking to impose its plans for administrative and functional reorganization and its development schemes with the aim of improving its image and perpetuating its occupation. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 27.\t<\/span>Outside the occupied territories, Israel was waging an equally dangerous battle against the Palestinian people in pursuance of the policy of arrogance and might which Israel was seeking to impose on the region with the unlimited support of the United States Administration. Israeli air, naval and land forces, using the most up-to-date weapons supplied by the United States, were carrying out repeated raids on Palestinian camps in Lebanon. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 28.\t<\/span>Furthermore, Israel, in collusion with certain forces hostile to the Arab nations, was imposing a naval and land blockade on the Palestinian camps and attacking children, women and freedom fighters in order to eliminate the Palestinian people and its authentic representative, the PLO, and by balkanizing the region into insignificant communal groups, to subject it to the domination and will of the United States and Israel. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 29.\t<\/span>The Palestinian people was determined to continue its struggle to bring about a just peace. This demand had been reiterated by its representatives at the eighteenth session of the Palestine National Council held from 20 to 25 April 1987 at Algiers, which unanimously endorsed the convening of an International Peace Conference in accordance with General Assembly resolutions 38\/58 C and 41\/43 D, which provided for the holding of such a Conference under the auspices of the United Nations and with the participation of the permanent members of the Security Council as well as the parties concerned, including the PLO, on an equal footing. The conditions might be favourable for the holding of such a conference if there was a willingness to reach a just settlement to the conflict in the region. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 30.\t<\/span>Mr. Guennadi I. Oudovenko (Ukrainian SSR), speaking as representative of the Special Committee against Apartheid<\/u>, noted that the seminar was a reflection of the deep concern of the United Nations over the problem of Palestine and part of the continuous support lent to the Palestinian people in their just struggle. The overwhelming majority of the States Members of the United Nations were convinced that the non-settlement of the issue constituted the underlying cause of tensions in the region and the core of the Middle East conflict. The dangerous situation in the region was, above all, the result of the ongoing illegal occupation by Israel of Palestinian and other Arab territories and its refusal to recognize the inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. The current exceedingly complicated and dangerous setting in the Middle East required immediate and decisive actions on the part of the international community which supported the legitimate and inalienable rights of the Palestinian people. A peaceful solution aimed at solving the Middle East dispute could not be attained without the participation of the PLO, the authentic representative of the Palestinian people, on equal footing with all parties concerned. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 31.\t<\/span>For a decade the Special Committee against Apartheid<\/u> had been submitting a special annual report to the General Assembly and the Security Council on recent developments concerning relations between Israel and South Africa. The reports pointed very clearly to the seriousness of the alliance between the two States. Israeli assistance to the minority régime in South Africa in the military and nuclear fields had become a serious obstacle to the efforts of the United Nations to eradicate apartheid<\/u>. The concern at the collaboration between those two countries stemmed from the fact that it constituted an alliance detrimental to the interests of the African and Arab people. The General Assembly had repeatedly called for the cessation of that alliance. In its resolution 41\/35 C on the relations between Israel and South Africa, the General Assembly demanded that Israel desist from and terminate forthwith all forms of collaboration with South Africa, particularly in the economic, military and nuclear fields, and abide scrupulously by the relevant resolutions of the General Assembly and the Security Council. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 32.\t<\/span>Mr. Ammar Amari (Tunisia), representing the Special Committee on the Situation with Regard to the Implementation of the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, emphasized that the Middle East conflict continued to be one of the most intractable issues facing the international community. Concerted action was overdue to persuade the supporters of Israel to compel it to respond to relevant United Nations resolutions and to the will of the international community. The Special Committee had always recognized the importance of the role played by NGOs in informing the public regarding the issues of decolonization, and particularly their ability to enlist pubic support and assistance for the cause of those who had long been denied their most basic human rights. By making known the plight of the Palestinians by publicizing their struggle and their sacrifices, the action of NGOs over the years had tremendously enhanced public conscience in support of the Palestinian cause. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 33.\t<\/span>On Monday, 8 June 1987, the delegation of the Committee was officially received by Mr. K. Natwar Singh, Minister of State for External Affairs of India. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 34.\t<\/span>The Seminar decided to send messages to Mr. Yasser Arafat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the PLO (see annex I), to Mr. Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, Secretary-General of the United Nations (see annex II) and to Mr. Robert Mugabe, Chairman of the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries (see annex III). The Seminar also adopted a motion of thanks to the people and Government of India (see annex IV). <\/p><\/div>\n II. PANEL DISCUSSION<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 35.\t<\/span>Four panels were established to consider different aspects of the question of Palestine. These panels and their panelists were as follows:<\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n <\/p>\n 36.\t<\/span>The expert members of the various panels agreed on summaries of the presentations and discussions on each of the topics. The Seminar decided to include those summaries in the report. <\/p><\/div>\n Panel I:<\/u> "The role of the Palestine Liberation <\/u>Organization"<\/u><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 37.\t<\/span>The Palestinians constituted a people fully entitled to self-determination. The Palestinians also had the right to strive for the restoration of their rights by all means, particularly since many peoples had exercised that inalienable right and had been able to attain their independence during the time in which the Palestinian people had been exiled from its homeland and robbed of its resources, wealth and the various constituent factors of its economic and social life. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 38.\t<\/span>In May 1964, the establishment of the PLO had been proclaimed. It was to mobilize the potentials of the Palestinian people for the liberation of its land. The merging of all the Palestinian national forces within the framework of the PLO and the stepping up of the political and armed struggle against the occupation had led to the emergence of new dynamics for national liberation in the form of mass organizations and federations comprising all sectors of the Palestinian people. Institutions had been also established for social and productive services, and the PLO had begun to be transformed from an organization merely expressing the aspirations of the Palestinian people into an organization striving for the liberation of the land and energetically incorporating the hopes and aspirations of that people. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 39.\t<\/span>The PLO had received Arab recognition as the sole, legitimate representative of the Palestinian people at the 1974 Arab Summit. It had received legal recognition successively from 117 States of the world by 1983 and from many international and regional organizations. Its international legal status had received the ultimate ratification by virtue of United Nations General Assembly resolutions 3210 (XXIX) and 3237 (XXIX), which conferred on it the status of observer at sessions of the General Assembly. It was also accorded the right to attend meetings of the Security Council when questions relating to the situation in the Middle East were discussed. It had achieved full membership in the League of Arab States, the Movement of Non-Aligned Countries, the Organization of the Islamic Conference and the United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Western Asia. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 40.\t<\/span>The foundation of the PLO had represented the first step towards the Palestinian people's restoration of its national identity and its unity through the joint resolve to protect its rights. Although the Palestinian people had lost its societal unity, its struggle, under the leadership of the PLO, had been a<\/span> <\/span>practical demonstration of the truth that that people had an affiliation with a specific homeland and a specific culture and that its struggle on the various levels would continue until that feeling of belonging acquired through the resistance was transformed into an actual fully fledged social and national affiliation with the land of Palestine, where Palestinian national sovereignty would be exercised. In addition to the burdens borne by the PLO against zionism and United States schemes in the region, it had also fallen to it to bear the economic and social problems faced by the Palestinian people, whether living in exile or under occupation. <\/span><\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 41.\t<\/span>The state of the economy of the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967 was distinguished by the fact that the circumstances of the areas under settler-colonialist military occupation were characterized by features not found in other occupation experiences in the twentieth century. The authorities had proceeded to follow a multifaceted policy, including terrorization, humiliation and oppression of the population by all available means, forced emigration of Palestinians and fragmentation of their social, cultural, economic and political structure. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 42.\t<\/span>Israel's occupation of the Palestinian and Arab territories had taken the form not merely of expansion for security reasons but expansion and settler-colonialist occupation aimed at enslaving another people, exploiting its wealth and turning it into a consumer market for the Israeli economy. As a result of Israeli economic policies, the occupied Palestinian territories had become an extensive and convenient market for Israeli industrial and agricultural products. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 43.\t<\/span>The very existence of the economy in the occupied Palestinian territories was under threat from the occupation authorities. All forms of discrimination were employed with a view to strangling the Palestinian economy and reducing it to a subordinate status so that it might later be made completely dependent on the Israeli economy and the way thus be paved for the process of final annexation of those territories. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 44.\t<\/span>The retention of territory and preservation of the Palestinian population were among the most important objectives on which the Palestinian revolution, represented by the PLO, had based its action. The PLO was aware that that had been possible only through support for the steadfastness of the Palestinian population in the occupied territories. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 45.\t<\/span>The PLO had adopted a number of principal guidelines for its economic and social development efforts on behalf of the occupied Palestinian territories. Those guidelines were: <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t\t<\/span>(a)\t<\/span>To curtail migration out of the occupied territories, whether such migration was permanent or temporary for the purposes of study or employment; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t\t<\/span>(b)\t<\/span>To reduce pressure and incentives tending to impel Palestinian workers to work in Israeli businesses; <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n \t\t<\/span>(c)\t<\/span>To improve the qualifications of citizens and equip them with patriotic consciousness, as well as to provide them with the most comprehensive skills at all levels, in order that the Palestinian human barrier might be qualitatively superior rather than simply superior in numerical terms. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 46.\t<\/span>The efforts of the PLO to support national steadfastness had encountered a number of obstacles, particularly with respect to the occupation authorities, which had deliberately taken various measures to prevent the delivery of support funds from whatever source on the pretext that such funds were provided by the PLO. However, the real reasons for such measures had to be seen in the attempts of the authorities to thwart any endeavour towards development in the occupied territories and to crush any attempt designed to enable the Palestinian people to maintain its steadfastness. The occupation authorities thus hoped to deprive the people of the material resources required for such steadfastness and thereby to induce them to emigrate. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 47.\t<\/span>The PLO's efforts in the field of economic and social development for the Palestinian people had not been confined to the service sectors but had also extended to production sectors. Outside the occupied homeland, the PLO had carried out an experiment which was unique for national liberation movements. The experiment related to the Society of the Sons of the Palestinian Martyrs (SAMED), which had been founded in 1970. It served as a public sector and a nucleus for a national economy which endeavoured to attain various noble and ambitious objectives. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n 48.\t<\/span>The organization had satisfactorily withstood the complicated challenges arising from its commitments to its people, since it had been able to incorporate economic and social development into the totality of its activities in the struggle for restoration of the Palestinian people's national rights. <\/p><\/div>\n <\/p>\n Panel II:<\/u> <\/u>"The<\/u> <\/u>International<\/u> <\/u>Peace Conference on the Middle East,<\/u> <\/u>in<\/u> <\/u>accordance<\/u> <\/u>with<\/u> <\/u>United<\/u>\n
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